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July 1997
A historic report profiling Mindanao's most prominent guerrilla leader-turned-politician.

Nur Misuari, is finding peace as tricky as the war between the Muslim minority and the government that he helped end. Skilfully showing off an M16, Misuari is failing to woo voters outside the autonomous Muslim region he controls. The island's 85% Christian majority remains deeply suspicious. Even in his capital, Cotabato, crime is spiralling. Antonette Lu tries in vain to hold back tears. Her father Fernando is her third family member to be kidnapped. Worryingly, many of Misuari's former guerrillas are defecting to the extremist Muslim MILF. At a remote jungle camp, Abu Bakar, MILF military commander Hadj Morad boasts his army's strength. The MILF has its own courts and even a firing squad. Prisoners peer out of wooden barracks awaiting trial by Islamic law. In General Santos, Muslims such as Laila Matabalao vow they'd die rather than see their mosque demolished for a 5 star hotel. If Misuari fails them they'll vote for someone else. Misuari's difficulties echo those of his island in the Philippines, scarred by decades of war.

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Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic died in March 2006, during his trial at the Hague war crimes tribunal for crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide, robbing us of the conclusion to one of the most important trials of the century. The verdict, which could have been a historical touchstone and turning point, never came. Having followed and documented the trial for the four years that it ran, Team Productions now had to find a new central thread in thousands of hours of footage.

Michael Christoffersen, the director, chose to see artistic potential in not having a predetermined outcome: dramaturgically, the material was more open to interpretation now. "Had the trial continued on course and a verdict been reached, the conclusion would have been generally known and that would have been like knowing the score in advance," he says. "The dramaturgy would have been expected to lead to that conclusion, which would have confined the story a lot.

"That line was broken, of course, when Milosevic died and there was no conclusion," Christoffersen says. "No one was willing to wager one, so I had to sit down and interpret the material. There were both advantages and disadvantages to that. One advantage was that it allowed me to relate more freely to the material.” He followed the trial daily online or in the courtroom for the four years that it ran.

The director was dealing with an enormous amount of material: thousands of hours of courtroom footage from fixed cameras operated by producers affiliated with the tribunal, plus his own crew's shots of the defence attorneys, prosecutors and other participants in the trial.

Christoffersen continually took notes during the trial and kept a log of interesting situations, which included the witnesses and the defendant himself, Milosevic, who acted as his own attorney assisted by a team of Serbian lawyers. Those notes turned out to be a huge help in the editing process.

COURTROOM DRAMA

"I felt that the story really got good at the point when Milosevic took up his own defence," Christoffersen says. "Relating less all the time to the actual charges against him, he blustered and speechified about politics and conspiracy theories instead. In this self-revelation, he showed how little he was really able to deal with the trial. So we cut it down and selected the witnesses that I thought best illustrated the proceedings. As we cut it down from eight hours to four hours, we more clearly began to see the bones of a story. I had other sets of eyes on it too, because there were times when the editors and I became swamped in footage. "At one point, we decided to write the whole thing out, as we would have done for a film with a voiceover – which turned out to be a good idea because it gave us a much more precise narrative structure," he says.

To Christoffersen and producer Mette Heide of Team Productions the driving idea with both the Milosevic and the Saddam projects was to explain and analyze a historical event, offering behind-thescenes glimpses at what went on in the courtroom. The crew wanted to get close to the key participants, their strategies and schemes, and reveal the human drama, while describing the personal victories and defeats that played out.

"I picked the witnesses and situations that were both crucial and dramatic – there were a lot of very tiresome witnesses," Christoffersen says. "Meanwhile, I didn't play down the basic notion that the one person who really brought down Milosevic, had he ever been convicted, was Milosevic himself. Once I reached that conclusion, everything became much clearer."

"We broke the chronology in certain places, but only to simplify the story. The main idea was to produce a historical and dramatic document," the director says.

CONDENSE, CONDENSE, CONDENSE

The volume and complexity of the material necessitated a monstrous task of pruning, and gleaning essential footage that also had dramatic potential.

"After all, this isn't bicycle theft we're dealing with but three and a half wars with nation-founding and political showdowns – a historically very complex sequence of events, with one party, Milosevic, trying to turn the whole thing into a political process, and the other party, the prosecution, seeking to make it a criminal case with Milosevic on trial for killing people," Christoffersen says.

"We decided to pin down Milosevic's responsibility. And we went for the duel aspect of the criminal case, even as Milosevic was constantly trying to make it a struggle to tell the Serbian version of the story. Ultimately, Milosevic himself gives the game away, essentially crafting his own defeat," the director says.

"There's a good story in that, basically: the prosecution is unable to come up with the evidence, and it's only when Milosevic takes up his own defence that he slips up, letting the prosecutor in on important information," Heide says. "The criminal exposes himself."

"It was condense, condense, condense," Christoffersen says. "The more we cut, the easier it got. Gradually, the details became apparent. Still, there’s a lot of amazing material we would have liked to use. It was a reductive process a good deal of the way, until everything began to get clearer."

Inside Indonesia's War on Terror
envoyé par akratique. - L'info internationale vidéo.
Permalink:http://www.guba.com/watch/3000007741

This must watch report points to the involvement of the Indonesian Military Intelligence and Police in the 2002 Bali bombing.

Indonesia's recent history of terrorist attacks began with a deadly campaign that unfolded on Christmas Eve 2000. Bombs exploded almost simultaneously at 18 sites, mostly churches, across six provinces, 19 people died and 120 were injured. Jemaah Islamiah took the blame. It was the first real mention of the group in Australia. But Indonesians had another theory - they suspected the military, the only organisation with the capacity to pull off an operation of this scale, a full two years before the first Bali bomb. The respected news magazine Tempo even splashed the allegation on its front cover as part of a special investigation. The most revealing information in the report related to the bomber's network operating in Medan, North Sumatra. The man convicted of making the bombs in Medan is somewhere behind these prison walls. Our repeated requests to interview Edi Sugiarto over many months have been ignored by the Indonesian authorities. Guilty or not, reputable sources claim he was so severely tortured before his trial he would have admitted to anything. But it's clear he wasn't acting alone. The Tempo investigation included telephone records revealing sensational information of direct links between the bombers and military intelligence. The records also show that Fauzi Hasbi, the military intelligence agent in Jemaah Islamiah who we mentioned earlier, was at the centre of the plot. He had spoken to Edi Sugiarto, the bomb maker, seven times and had also called a businessman well connected with the military 35 times. That businessman in turn rang a Kopassus special forces intelligence officer 15 times and the officer had called the businessman 56 times. With Edi Sugiarto in jail, all further investigation ceased and five years on, sources in Medan are too afraid to talk. The trail has gone stone cold.

Two weeks after the second Bali attack and despite plenty of help from the Australian Federal Police, Indonesian authorities are still pursuing the culprits. But a familiar pattern has emerged. Asia's most wanted men, the so- called masters of disguise, Dr Azahari and Noordin Top have been named as the masterminds. And once again everyone is insinuating Jemaah Islamiah is behind the bombs. That may eventually be proved correct, but so far no evidence has been produced, at least publicly, to back that claim. As we've shown tonight, after enduring years of state-sponsored terror, it's no wonder many Indonesians question what they're being told about this latest atrocity.

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Finition date : May 2004
French and english version. 52 min

After having shown the plight of the million Jews who, from the mid-1940s, had to flee the countries they and their forefathers had lived in for centuries, those most discreet refugees whose story had never been told this way, Pierre Rehov has filmed the other side of a same coin: the fate of the Palestinians refugees that everyone has heard about.

Refugees that are shown on the world's television screens practically day in day out and whose plight is supposedly so well-known. But refugees whose fate we, in fact, know so little about.

In his latest film, "The Hostages of Hatred" Pierre Rehov sets out to tell us the real story of those men, women and children, who have been shamefully used as mere pawns for over 50 years, by Arab leaders at first, by Palestinian leaders later on and until this very day but also by the United Nations' body that was specially created to supposedly take care of them: the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNWRA.

To tell the real story of these people Pierre Rehov has sent teams to film actual refugees in refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, the Gaza Strip and he has shot footage himself in the West Bank. As in all his films, he exposes thus nuggets of truth hidden among the well-rehearsed propaganda speeches. We see the poverty the refugees are deliberately kept in, we see the pain, we see the nurtured hatred, we see the false hopes those people are raised on. But we also see the same hatred combined with a wealth you would not expect.

And, as usual too, Pierre Rehov mixes these first-hand testimonies with the counterpoint of extremely well-researched and enlightening documents, in-depth analyses form historians and politicians like Shlomo Ben Ami, former Israeli Foreign Minister, or the Congressman Eric Cantor. And also a Palestinian Oslo negotiator, an advisor to Arab leaders or a Palestinian Human Rights Activist.

As for the carefully chosen music, it enhances further the dramatic quality of the film.



( Le Point )

Abstract of "Iraq, India, Palestine"

an article by BERNARD LEWIS
Wall Street Journal, May 12, 2004; Page A14

...A case in point: In 1947 the British Empire in India was partitioned into two states, India and Pakistan. There was a bitter military struggle, and an estimated 10 million refugees were displaced. Despite continuing friction, some sort of accommodation was reached between the two states and the refugees were resettled. No outside power or organization was involved.

In the following year, 1948, the British-mandated territory of Palestine was partitioned -- in terms of area and numbers, a triviality compared with India. Yet that conflict continues, and the 750,000 Arab refugees from Israel and their millions of descendants remain refugees, in camps maintained and staffed by the U.N. Except for Jordan, no Arab state has been willing to grant citizenship to the Palestinian refugees or to their locally born descendants, or even to allow them the rights of resident aliens. They are now entering their fifth generation as stateless refugee aliens. The whole operation is maintained and sustained by a massive apparatus of U.N. officials, some of whom have spent virtually their whole careers on this issue. What progress has been made on the Arab-Israel problem -- the resettlement in Israel of Jewish refugees from the Arab-held parts of mandatory Palestine and from Arab countries, the Egyptian and Jordanian peace agreements -- was achieved outside the framework of the U.N. One shudders to think what might have been the fate of the Indian subcontinent if the U.N. had been involved in its partition.

The question of substance is of course of far greater importance in the long term. The question of perception is immediate, but could have long-term consequences.

Mr. Lewis, professor emeritus at Princeton, is the author of "From Babel to Dragomans: Interpreting the Middle East," just out from Oxford.

View this article online



Critical Reviews:

"Rehov continues to make documentaries about the shocking reality he uncovers in the Middle East because no one else does"
(Joseph Farah - World Net Daily)

"Provocative films about the combat between Palestinian militants and Israeli army"
(Greg Myre - The New York Times)

"The most shocking moments of Rehov's films involve blatant Palestinian efforts to manipulate the media"
(Hanna Brown - Jerusalem Post)

"The information that Rehov does provide is based on interviewees who use bona fide images and documents to substantiate their claim"
(Tamar Stenhal - Camera)

"There is only one filmaker who has presented the truth in the matter of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and his nom de guerre is Pierre Rehov"
(Phyllis Chesler - Author of "The new antisemitism")

"In his documentaries, Pierre Rehov demonstrates how our version of the middle east conflict has been corrupted by the Arab use of reporters as propagandists"
(Jack Engelheard - Author of "Indecent Proposal")

"Seeing Pierre Rehov's documentary film 'The Silent Exodus' about the expulsion and flight of a million Sephardi Jews helped me gain a better understanding of the tragedy of a community that was integral and fundamental to Arab society."
(Magdi Allam - Il Corriere Della Serra)

Permalink: http://video.google.de/videoplay?docid=-4128028650971058220

For many Americans, the morning of September 11, 2001 made the threat of Islamic Fundamentalism a grave reality. But long before al Qaeda, the roots of the threat to America from the Middle East grew in an organization called the Muslim Brotherhood. Journey to Cairo, Egypt, where the Brotherhood was born in the late 1920s. Learn how Brotherhood members passed radical ideologies to legions of followers, including Ayman Zawahiri, who would become Osama bin Laden's right-hand man. Today, some experts say the Brotherhood could be a powerful ally in fighting the war on terror, while others believe that its dark history makes this movement one that can never be trusted.

A further analysis of this dilemma can be found here
Thanks to sibylla for diecting my attention to this document

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On September 1, 2004, a group of heavily armed rebel extremists stormed into School No. 1 in Beslan, Russia. For three days, more than a thousand children and adults were held hostage in a sweltering gymnasium, denied food and water, and forced to keep their hands over their heads. The harrowing siege ended on September 3 with a series of explosions and a hail of gunfire that killed some 350 people - half of them children. In this film, the youngest survivors of Beslan tell their story.

The Road to Jenin by French director Pierre Rehov, depicts a moral Israeli army fighting a just war against armed Palestinians in a hotbed of terrorism which spawned more than half the suicide bombings against Israeli civilians. Among the terrorists from Jenin, for instance, was the killer who took 29 lives in the Passover bombing of the Park Hotel days before.

Israel initially took the dangerous step of sending infantry to fight house-to-house so as to minimize civilian casualties. After nearly two dozen of their own men were lost to ambushes, Palestinian snipers, and booby-trapped houses, Israel brought in bulldozers for use in a limited area, a step which led to the surrender of the Palestinian fighters. (No air attacks were involved.) Can these disparate accountsboth in terms of the facts of the specific incidents they describe, as well the bigger pictures they representbe reconciled ?

Among the most disputed and misrepresented facts about the fighting in Jenin was the number of Palestinians killed and the extent of the destruction. Initially, Palestinian officials claimed that hundreds were killed in the "Jenin massacre." For example, then Palestinian Authority Minister of Local Government Saeb Erekat stated on CNN April 10, one week into the eight day operation: "Im afraid to say that the number of Palestinian dead in the Israeli attacks have reached more than 500 now." (See CAMERA On Campus Fall 2002 for an in-depth review of PA misinformation.) Later, when international workers investigated the camp and found no evidence of a massacre, Palestinian officials drastically lowered the death toll to 56, a number consistent with what Israel had estimated (Washington Times, May 1).

Especially inflammatory was a charge by the director of the hospital in Jenin that Israeli tanks fired 11 missiles at the facility, destroying oxygen bottles, water tubes, sewage pipes, hospital wards, doctors rooms and an infirmary. "The whole of the west wing was destroyed," he testifies. "Fighter planes launched their missiles every three minutes." Yet, the only sign of any damage to the building is a piece of glass falling out of a window.

While the casual viewer may suspect that hospital manager Dr. Mustafa Abo Gali isnt being entirely forthright, the extent of his deception becomes apparent in Rehovs Road to Jenin, in which Abo Gali is also interviewed. In that film, the hospital director shows the alleged damage as a result of 11 shellsa tiny hole or scratch on the outside of a building. Moreover, Rehov provides aerial images of the hospital on the last day of the incursionsurrounding trees, the roof and floors are all intact.

Also, in Road to Jenin, Abo Gali claims that the Israeli army prevented all ambulances from reaching the hospital, insisting: "They didnt want people to get medical treatment." Again, the images show otherwise: Ambulances unload casualties by the hospital doors and IDF soldiers are seeing assisting children and the elderly to reach treatment. Dr. David Zangen, the armys chief medical officer in Jenin during the incursion, and Bakris leading critic, describes how the soldiers even treated Palestinian fighters, including members of Hamas. Finally, in Road, Abo Gali recounts that the 500 hospital occupants"wounded, sick, our team, mothers and children . . . we had no food left." Then Rehov cuts to a scene of an Israeli authorizing Abo Gali in person to receive anything hed like for the hospital, all except weapons.

According to Rehov, fabrication is not an anomaly in Palestinian allegations of Israeli atrocities in Jenin and elsewhere. As international journalists made their rounds in the Jenin wreckage, residents often staged moving photographs: An old woman, sitting in the rubble, is coached: "Look at the camera. Look sad. Put your hand on your face to look desperate."

Underscoring the Palestinian penchant for inventing "news," Rehov even manages to capture on film the manufacturing of a fictitious news story. On Jan. 25, 2003, he accompanies Palestinian journalist Ali Smoddi of the PA-controlled Jenin television station as he and his crew set out to interview a Palestinian man and his wife whose baby was just delivered by a doctor.

At the hospital, Smoddis crew does several "takes" of the fathers account of the birth, each with a different spin. In one version, the father claims that the ambulance they intended to meet was held up at a checkpoint for 15 minutes, and he was forced to deliver his infant son in the car, as the ambulance had not arrived. In another telling, the father says: "The soldiers took me down to the ambulance to check my identification and my wife gave birth in the ambulance and went to the hospital." In each account, Smoddi prompts the father and makes suggestions about the events. Smoddi then prompts the new mother: "The tank stops you while giving birth. Youre alone in the car, talk about your feelings."

Rehov also interviews Thaber Mardawi, an Islamic Jihad fighter in Israeli custody, who states: "I dont know why they [the Israel Defense Forces] sent the infantry [into Jenin]. They knew they would be killed. To see a soldier pass in front of me, Ive waited for this many years." He also discusses the kinds of explosives that the Jenin fighters used against the Israelis. (In contrast, Bakri includes only oblique references to armed Palestinians, which serves his agenda of portraying a U.S.-backed Israeli military force allegedly attacking an innocent population in a massacre worse than Vietnam.)

Road to Jenin includes other revealing testimony. Australian Christian humanitarian volunteer Dalry Jones, who had initially been duped by Palestinian propaganda about Israeli action in Jenin, recounts how Palestinians displayed photos of bodies, "gouged and pitted, torn. We were told this is from torture from the Israelis." Later, when she saw a Palestinian child blow up in front of her face, she realized that the ripped apart bodies were the result of human booby traps that the Palestinians used against the Israelis.

Rehovs clear purpose is to expose the inflammatory and defamatory falsehoods spread by a Arab propaganda. As such his film does not attempt to be an overview of the Israeli and Palestinian experience in Jenin or an exhaustive account of IDF conduct.

Nevertheless, the information that Rehov does provide is based on interviewees who use bona fide images and documents to substantiate their claims.

Critical Reviews:

"Rehov continues to make documentaries about the shocking reality he uncovers in the Middle East because no one else does"
(Joseph Farah - World Net Daily)

"Provocative films about the combat between Palestinian militants and Israeli army"
(Greg Myre - The New York Times)

"The most shocking moments of Rehov's films involve blatant Palestinian efforts to manipulate the media"
(Hanna Brown - Jerusalem Post)

"The information that Rehov does provide is based on interviewees who use bona fide images and documents to substantiate their claim"
(Tamar Stenhal - Camera)

"There is only one filmaker who has presented the truth in the matter of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and his nom de guerre is Pierre Rehov"
(Phyllis Chesler - Author of "The new antisemitism")

"In his documentaries, Pierre Rehov demonstrates how our version of the middle east conflict has been corrupted by the Arab use of reporters as propagandists"
(Jack Engelheard - Author of "Indecent Proposal")

"Seeing Pierre Rehov's documentary film 'The Silent Exodus' about the expulsion and flight of a million Sephardi Jews helped me gain a better understanding of the tragedy of a community that was integral and fundamental to Arab society."
(Magdi Allam - Il Corriere Della Serra)

Watch Every Good Marriage Begins With Tears [Part 1] in Entertainment  |  View More Free Videos Online at Veoh.com


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Two Bangladeshi girls born and raised in London agree to allow their parents to choose their husbands for them.

The elder, Sahanara, quick-witted, coarse-mannered and the rebel of the family, banished from the family in her teens for being "too Western", has to swap her pink hot pants for a sari as she goes off to the airport to meet her new Bangladeshi husband.

The younger, Hushnara is more submissive, devout and accepting of her father’s match with stoic dutifulness.

Simon Chambers is an old friend of the family and the family is welcoming of his decision to film the family. The film is intimate, surprisingly frank and revealing of British Muslim life not normally seen. The family regularly address him directly or ask his opinion during a domestic dispute, which he then gives in the voice-over.

Simon starts filming just before Sahanara’s bridegroom arrives in Great Britain. At that point, everything still seems all right. But when Simon drops by a few months later, the household is in an upheaval. Sahanara has left her husband; found a job and a new boyfriend while Hushnara has doubts about her pending nuptials. Eventually, Chambers accompanies the family to Bangladesh for Hushnara’s wedding, and to look for Sahanara, who has disappeared completely.

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jihad rehab
An outragious act of taqyya by the saudis! This is the film to keep in mind the next time a jihadist in the west avoids deportation because he might be tortured. Off course the western media falls right into the trap. Just read the below introtext taken from the BBC website. Instead of reading "saudis once again lying through their teeth" it says...

"Jihad Rehab
In Saudi Arabia the government's employing a radical approach to win back the hearts and minds of those who've committed atrocities on behalf of organisations like Al Qaeda. Shiraz Maher reports on turning young men away from extremism, Saudi style.
In a small compound on the outskirts of Riyadh, the Saudi government is exploring new ways to combat extremism
This is still a prison, run by the Ministry of Interior and housed inside secure premises with high perimeter walls and barbed wire, but the Saudi authorities prefer to call it a "care centre" and refer to prisoners as "beneficiaries".
This is not what you would imagine when you think of a typical Saudi jail.
Inside, prisoners enjoy access to wide-ranging recreational facilities including their own swimming pools, video games and table tennis.
In return for the more relaxed environment, prisoners have to attend religious education classes where Islamic scholars challenge their views.
The thinking behind the new initiative is to fight al-Qaeda's ideology by convincing militant Islamists they have a distorted view of Islam.
The Ministry of Interior oversees the new scheme and has created the Ideological Security Unit (ISU) dedicated to co-ordinating their efforts.
"You cannot defeat an ideology by force. You have to fight ideas with ideas," says Abdul-Rahman Hadlaq, ISU director.
But the centre goes beyond just debating ideas. It also encourages prisoners to express their "softer side" by running art therapy classes where inmates find alternative ways to express themselves.
Remarkable survival
Saudi authorities are keen to stress that any convicted Islamist will be offered a chance at rehabilitation, regardless of past crimes.

Ahmed Shayea drove a massive truck bomb into the Jordanian embassy in Baghdad in August 2003, killing nine people and injuring more than 60.

It was the first major bombing carried out by the insurgency and was designed to announce al-Qaeda's arrival in Iraq.

Shayea survived the bombing and was held at the care centre after being repatriated from Iraq by US forces.Ahmed Shayea

"I am now an enemy of al-Qaeda. I believe God saved me to deliver this message," says the former militant.

Families are also heavily involved in the rehabilitation of their loved ones. The authorities encourage them to make regular visits to the centre and inmates are allowed to make occasional visits home unescorted on the understanding that they will return later.

It is designed to prepare prisoners for their eventual release while building trust between them and the government. It has proved particularly relevant for Saudis being repatriated from the detention centre run by the US military at Guantanamo Bay.

After returning to the Kingdom they are typically held at the care centre for a few months before being finally released.

"It prepared me to go back into society gradually. You cannot just go from Guantanamo back to normal life. It's too difficult. Everything changed. Saudi Arabia changed. The whole world changed," says Juma Muhammad Dossari who spent six years in Guantanamo Bay.

"I have a great wife. She tells me to forget Guantanamo. She says: 'Just forget it'. She says: 'You're a new man. You have a new life. You have your family. Focus on that.' That makes me feel much better."

Financial arrangement


Since its creation no-one from the care centre has reoffended.

But the support received by prisoners on their release suggests their reasons for maintaining good behaviour might not always reflect genuine ideological change.Art by former Saudi militants

Graduates can typically expect the government to meet the cost of their wedding and have also enjoyed home refurbishments along with new cars.

It might sound alarming to outsiders, but most Saudis are comfortable with the arrangement.

"As a [Western] person you might question this - but when I put on my Saudi hat, I think, it was the right decision" says Khalid al-Maeena, editor of the English-language Arab News.

"We are a patriarchal society. These people are sons of the soil. When a son makes a mistake, the father forgives him and the King has pardoned them."

The centre has only been open for 18 months and most of those currently passing through it are al-Qaeda's foot soldiers, not its ideologues.

Convincing those people to change their minds might take a lot more than video games, Pepsi and ping-pong.

This feature documentary takes the audience on a disturbing journey deep into a culture that few can comprehend -- that of suicide bombers. Filmmaker Pierre Rehov examines the phenomenon of suicide bombers through rare and never-before-seen interviews with actual family members of terrorists, the prisoners whose bombing attempts have been thwarted, and exclusive footage of a terror bomber as he prepares for mission! This film provides a message of urgency for increasing our understanding of the psychopathological dynamics of these terrorist bombers. We finally gain insight to how these human bombs "tick"

http://www.veoh.com/videos/v17073378k8zsXmPd Alternate link http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=7393463991153951128

this is the documentary about the continuous agitation of the Khatme Nabuwwat movement on the Bangali Ahmadis residing in Bangladesh. the video speaks for itself. Khatme Nabuwwat is an offspring of Jamaat-e-Islam Party, the fundamentalist and extremists who only practices Islam in the name and desires to gain political power by using violence.

This is how the moderate muslims are treated within islam

Here is a link to an ebook containing more information on the state sponsored persecution of ahmadiyyas in pakistan and other islamic states.
True islamic concept of war - a grave threat to islam

http://sites.google.com/site/kitmantv/Home/TrueIslamicConceptofJihad...pdf?attredirects=0

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ARMENIA: THE BETRAYED (BBC, January 2003) ***Full BBC documentary on the Armenian Genocide** "In a special Correspondent to coincide with Holocaust memorial week, Fergal Keane investigates how a terrible slaughter, three quarters of a century ago, has returned to haunt the relationship between Turkey and its western allies. For decades the Armenian people have campaigned to have the killings of hundreds of thousands of their forefathers in Ottoman Turkey in 1915 recognised as genocide. But there has been an equally determined campaign by Turkey to deny genocide with threats of reprisals against any country which uses the word to describe the slaughter. Now as the United States steps up its efforts to win Ankara's support in any conflict with Iraq Correspondent reveals new Turkish pressures. Threats to withdraw military bases have forced the American Congress to abandon legislation which would have used the all important term, "genocide". The programme also discloses how President George W Bush and his predecessor Bill Clinton both broke promises to the Armenian community that they would recognise genocide. Talking to Armenian survivors, Turkish officials and key political figures in the United States Correspondent investigates a story of terrible slaughter, political intrigue and a people betrayed."

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Part 2


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With Britain facing a 'severe' level of terror threat, Dispatches investigates the roots of Islamic extremism in the UK and examines the government's attempts to win the battle for British Muslims' hearts and minds

Reporter Phil Rees, an expert on Islamist violence, explores the Koranic teachings that lie behind the concept of jihad and examines Muslim fury over Western foreign policy. He meets the clerics who justify and encourage attacks on British soil and analyses the government's response - to de-politicise Islam and to silence radical views.

Haras Rafiq, a government advisor on preventing extremism, tells Rees that between 15 and 20 per cent of British Muslims sympathise with Islamic militancy. To understand why there appears to be so much support for taking up arms, Rees examines the fundamental tenets of Islam that lie behind global jihad - such as 'Ummah' - a notion of Islamic brotherhood which encourages Muslims to act on behalf of one another - which can cause conflict with notions of patriotism. Former Guantanamo detainee, Moazzam Begg who travelled to Bosnia and Afghanistan to help fellow Muslims and took up arms, tells Rees that Ummah is more powerful than the bond of nationhood. "Faith identity is much stronger because it's based on a belief whereas the national identity is one that's based on geography and where you happen to be born."

Shahid Butt, who fought as a jihadist fighter in Bosnia describes the Ummah as an integral part of Islam, he says: "Telling Muslims to take the Ummah out is like asking me to cut my heart out of my body...Defending another Muslim is a compulsory act in Islam. You have to do it...if somebody came to my house and kicked the door down and tried to attack my family I'm gonna go in the kitchen and get the knife and I'm gonna defend them."

Another belief which is central to many Muslims living in the West is the 'Covenant of Security' which prevents Muslims from attacking their home nation if they are offered safety and freedom to pray. Rees visits an Islamic Centre in Luton where young men are taught to accept and honour the covenant. The teacher, Abdul Qadeer admits that persuading his congregation to reject more extremist interpretations is, "a fight for the minds."

In stark contrast, Rees meets an Islamic scholar who believes the British government has broken this covenant through its foreign policy in the Middle East so attacks can be theologically justified. His extreme views have seen him barred from Britain but he still communicates to his followers in Britain via the internet. Rees examines how the government is responding to these debates within British Islam. He discovers that the widely accepted cause of militancy is radical preaching - ignoring the grounds for violence cited by the London bombers - the West's foreign policy. The government's plans to combat extremism involve allocating millions of pounds to projects that nurture a non-violent, non-political Islam. But Rees discovers these projects have been met with suspicion by the Muslim community. Mufti Mohammed Zubair-Butt from the Institute of Islamic Jurisprudence in Bradford is critical of the new anti-extremist curriculum drawn up for schools in the city: "Is this a government initiative to make the Muslims pliant and just follow the government agenda and not question whatever they have to say?"

Rees concludes that government plans to tackle extremism which do not take into account the radicalising affect of its foreign policy and refuse to engage with its critics are unlikely to succeed - as long as aspects of Islam can be seen to justify violence when Muslims are under attack.

Permalink:http://www.viddler.com/explore/yummi/videos/1/


Broadcast: 13/11/2007
Reporter: Mark Corcoran

LEAD STORY
SERIES 17
EPISODE 20
Synopsis

Alleged Iraqi terrorist Mullah Krekar faces almost certain execution if deported to Iraq from his safe haven in Oslo, but he’s beaten all attempts by Norway to imprison or deport him and also foiled a CIA kidnap attempt.

Mullah Krekar, created the radical islamic guerrilla force, Ansar al Islam, now known as Ansar Al Sunna. It’s affiliated to Al Qaeda.

Now confident of his position in Norway, Krekar makes extraordinary admissions. He admits training a unit of suicide bombers who have since slaughtered hundreds of men, women and children.
“There’s no different between suicide bombs and using Kalashnikov – what’s the difference when you send the fighters to death”, Krekar tells Foreign Correspondent’s Mark Corcoran.

He explains how, through the internet, he calls on supporters to kill Australian and American troops in Iraq:

“It is allowed for me in Islam to kill him, to kill his translator, to kill the people which give him food and water, give him medicine – all of them”.
Krekar claims to have relinquished control of Ansar al Islam in 2002, months before the suicide bombing in which the Australian cameraman Paul Moran and five Kurdish soldiers were killed.

Even so, he knows intimate details of the attack, including what the Saudi suicide bomber did in his last minutes alive.

Krekar is entirely unrepentant about the killing . Asked what he would say to the widow of Mr Moran and his family Krekar said, “ I say to all the western women don’t send your sons to kill us.”

Corcoran: “ He wasn’t killing anybody, he was a cameraman!’
Krekar: “Yes. He was also with our enemy. “


Krekar says Moran and correspondent Eric Campbell, who was injured in the attack, were in the “wrong work at the wrong time.”
After arriving in Norway as a refugee in 1991, Krekar began commuting back to Iraq to create the feared terrorist group Ansar al Islam. His goal was the establishment of a Taliban-style Islamic state in northern Iraq.

The Norwegian Government says Krekar has breached asylum conditions, is a threat to national security and want him out of the country. But after six years of court cases, Krekar isn’t going anywhere. Norwegian law prohibits deportation to countries that have the death penalty or engage in torture.
The United States Treasury department maintains that Krekar, despite his denials, stills commands fighters in Iraq. It describes him as an Al Qaeda facilitator who covertly funds Ansar operations through a European network.

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Part 2

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If anyone doubts that it is time for a clear and critical look at Western intervention in the Balkans, consider this: The forces that the US supported in Bosnia and Kosovo were and are closely allied with Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda network. Bin Laden, himself, was a regular visitor in the office of Bosnia's President Alija Izetbegovic in early 1993, when the US government was touting his commitment to moderation and multi-ethnic cooperation.

`Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War makes a compelling case that Western backing of separatist forces led directly to the outbreak of war. `The intelligence agencies were unanimous in stating that if you recognize Bosnia, it will blow up, George Kenney of the State Department reveals. Why then did the US proceed to do so sparking four years of savage warfare? How did we end up on the same side as Osama-Bin Laden in Bosnia and Kosovo? Newscasters and columnists continue to refer to Kosovo as a victory for the US, but this documentary shows that the region is infinitely more divided and dangerous than it was when NATO bombing commenced in March of 1999. The region is more unstable and US troops are likely to be stuck in harm's way much longer than originally anticipated.

Could the violent break up of Yugoslavia have been avoided? What role did Western intervention play in the tragedy that consumed the multi-ethnic country? "Yugoslavia - The Avoidable War," a 2h 45 min minute film, addresses these questions in a well documented, powerful indictment of misguided intervention in the region. The documentary which took four years to produce, and which was updated following NATO intervention in Kosovo, investigates how serious errors and misjudgements made by Western powers particularly Germany and the United States helped spark the violent break up of the former Yugoslavia in 1991 and continue to destabilize the region in the new millennium.

"Yugoslavia the Avoidable War" documents the role of Western Intelligence agencies in providing aid to armed separatists and reveals how Western governments supported different sides in an ethnic conflict while portraying themselves as peacemakers. Most compelling are the candid statements of the decision-makers themselves, including former EC Mediator Lord Peter Carrington, former US Secretaries of State James Baker and Lawrence Eagleburger, as well as Germany's former foreign minister, Hans Dietrich Genscher."What the international community(the Europeans), the Americans and UN did, made it sure there was going to be conflict," states Lord Peter Carrington, the EC mediator, who along with UN envoy Cyrus Vance warned against diplomatic recognition of separatists states such as Croatia and Bosnia, before a political settlement could be achieved. "US intelligence agencies were unanimous in saying that if we recognize Bosnia it will blow up," says former State Department official George Kenney. Yet, according to former acting US Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, domestic political considerations- the 1992 election campaign between William Clinton and George Bush? led to the tragic decision to recognize Bosnia without a political settlement between the Muslims, Serbs and Croats.

The film makes a powerful argument that the US drew the wrong lesson of from the Bosnian conflict to justify intervention in the civil war that simmered in Kosovo. The manipulation of news coverage by the warring sides is explored in compelling footage and in interviews with veteran journalists such as David Binder of the New York Times and John MacArthur, columnist and publisher of Harper's Magazine, as well as authors Susan Woodward and Ted Galen Carpenter. The documentary offers powerful evidence of US involvement in "Operation Storm" the Croatian army's violent expulsion of the ethnic Serbian minority in 1995, an action which offered an eerie parallel with the expulsion of Albanian refugees in Kosovo by Serbian forces following NATO intervention on the side of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

Compelling, candid interviews from military officers including UN Commanders Sir Michael Rose, Lewis MacKenzie and former Pentagon Chief of Staff General Colin Powell elucidate how Western policymakers blundered by taking sides and by relying on military means to settle political problems. Co-producers of "Yugoslavia: The Avoidable War" are George Bogdanich New York based documentary film maker and Martin Lettmayer a German television producer based in Munich, who is currently working on a documentary in Central America. An earlier version of the film, completed prior to the Conclusion of NATO's intervention against Kosovo, was named the "Best Social Documentary" by the New York International Independent Film and Video Festival in September of 1999. In April, the LA Weekly called the film "truly accomplished," adding: "The numerous Strategic missteps by the West and the endless political doublespeak Are carefully detailed. The tragedy of the situation seems to multiply Before your eyes as the film clearly proves that so much of the Bloodshed could have easily been prevented."

Obsession is a film about the threat of Radical Islam to Western civilization. Using unique footage from Arab television, it reveals an 'insider's view' of the hatred the Radicals are teaching, their incitement of global jihad, and their goal of world domination. The film also traces the parallels between the Nazi movement of World War II, the Radicals of today, and the Western world's response to both threats. Featuring interviews with Daniel Pipes, Steve Emerson, Alan Dershowitz, a former PLO terrorist, and a former Hitler Youth Commander

Islamic terrorism in kashmir par cramchur
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The Genocide against hindus perpetrated by Islamic militants in Kashmir. Islamic terrorism was a truth long before America experienced 9/11

On 30/9/05 cartoons of Mohammed were published in a Danish newspaper; inciting Muslims to burn Danish flags/embassies all over the world. This documentary examines the consequences of that fateful event & the cost to our democratic freedom of expression.

The torture and slaughter of Iraqi civilians is reaching unprecedented heights with estimates of up to 655,000 dead. Night after night death squads rampage through Iraq's main cities. In Baghdad, up to a hundred bodies a day are dumped on the streets. Often they've been tortured with electric drills. Yet those doing the killing have little to do with al Qaeda or Sunni insurgents. The majority of the killings are carried out by Shia death squads who want to turn Iraq into a Shia state aligned to Iran. This shocking film investigates the links between the death squads and high-ranking Shia politicians. It reveals how the Shia militia that these politicians control have systematically infiltrated and taken over police units and even entire government ministeries. It investigates how these units are closely linked to the death squads, indeed they often are the death squads. And the killers act with impunity -- there's little investigation into their activities.

What do Muslims in Britain really want? Are they a homogenous group sharing similar values? Is religion more important to them than nationality?

Those are just some of the questions the Dispatches Muslim Survey, conducted by NOP, sought to answer.

Almost 1000 Muslims of varied ages, both male and female were interviewed for their opinions and collated into this survey.

You can compare your views to the views of the Muslims questioned by answering some of the questions yourself. What do Muslims in Britain really want? Are they a homogenous group sharing similar values? Is religion more important to them than nationality?

Those are just some of the questions the Dispatches Muslim Survey, conducted by NOP, sought to answer.

Almost 1000 Muslims of varied ages, both male and female were interviewed for their opinions and collated into this survey.

You can compare your views to the views of the Muslims questioned by answering some of the questions yourself.